SCHMALKALDIC WARS

THE Diet of Worms is famous for Luther's unsuccessful defense of his teachings against the charge of heresy:

“Unless I am convinced by the testimony of the Scriptures or by clear reason (for I do not trust either in the pope or in councils alone, since it is well known that they have often erred and contradicted themselves), I am bound by the Scriptures I have quoted and my conscience is captive to the Word of God.”

The official response to this was the proclamation of the Edict of Worms of 1521 stating:

The widespread popularity of Luther and his ideas prevented practical enforcement of these edicts, although it was assumed he would be eventually arrested and executed.

A series of Diets at Speyer then followed. The first (1526) attempted to concilliate Lutherans by suspending the Edict of Worms ; but a second Diet in Speyer (1529) reinstituted the Edict of Worms, evoking the “Protest” that earned their partisans the name “Protestant.”

Lutheran theologians then summarized their beliefs in the Augsburg Confession presented at the Diet of Augusburg in 1530.  The Catholic party responded to this in the Confutatio Augustana, and on Sept 23, 1530, Emperor Charles V signed the “Recess of Augsburg,” which

IN response to attempts to enforce the Recess of Augsburg, the two most powerful Lutheran rulers in the Holy Roman Empire, Philip I, Landgrave of Hesse, and John Frederick I, Elector of Saxony, established The Schmalkaldic League on February 27 1531.  It was intended as a defensive religious alliance, whose members pledged to defend each other if their territories were attacked by the Holy Roman Emperor.

At the insistence of John Frederick I, Elector of Saxony, membership was conditional on agreement to the Lutheran Augsburg Confession or the Reformed Tetrapolitan Confession.

Thus the League united Lutherans and Zwinglians and it included 35 states by 1537. In the years 1534–41 it was a considerable anti-Habsburg force and Thomas Cromwell, Chancellor of Henry VIII, encouraged England to join it.  This never happened, and Cromwell’s encouragement of marriage between Henry VIII and Anne of Cleves, sister-in-Law of John Frederick I, Elector of Saxony, led among other factors to Cromwell’s downfall.

German Principalities that joined the Schmalkaldic League

In response to the 1530 Confutatio, Philipp Melanchthon, a Greek scholar and disciple of Luther, had prepared what he considred to be an irenic  Prima delineatio. Although rejected by the Emperor, Melanchthon improved it as a private document and offered it at a meeting of the Schmalkaldic League in 1537, where it was signed by the members of the League and accepted as the Apology of the Augsburg Confession. 

Less irenic, indeed, considerably more inflammatory and bellicose were Luther’s 1537 summary of Protestant beliefs that came to be known as the Schmalkald Articles.  Although not formally adopted by the Schmalkaldic League, Luther’s Schmalkald Articles were gradually included among the Lutheran “Confessions” from 1544 onwards and officially incorporated in the Lutheran Book of Concord in 1580.  They allowed little scope for discussion or compromise:

THE Schmalkaldic War, (July 1546 – May 1547) was fought within the territories of the Holy Roman Empire between the allied forces of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and Maurice, Duke of Saxony against the Lutheran Schmalkaldic League, with the forces directly loyal to Charles fighting under the command of Fernando Álvarez de Toledo, 3rd Duke of Alba.

     The Catholic Imperial forces were victorious over the Schmalkaldic League, effectively dissolving it. The captured Elector John Frederick I at first was sentenced to death, and, in order to obtain pardon, on 19 May 1547 signed the Capitulation of Wittenberg.  He lost the dignity of elector and some of his territories to his cousin, Maurice, who was declared the new Saxon Elector on 4 June.

     Luther's teachings had by this time spread so widely throughout Europe they could not be suppressed by military force. However, on 15 May 1548 the Catholic Emperor Charles V, feeling at the height of his power, dictated the Augsburg Interim to prepare for what he hoped would be the reintegration of the Protestants into the Catholic Church.  The Augsburg Interim (the full formal title was: Declaration of His Roman Imperial Majesty on the Observance of Religion Within the Holy Empire Until the Decision of the General Council) demanded that Protestants readopt traditional Catholic beliefs and practices, including the acknowledgement of transubstantiation and the seven Sacraments.  However it made some concessions to the Protestants by granting to Lutheran [former-priest] clergymen the right to marry, and to the laity the right to receive the Eucharist under the species of both bread and wine.

THE Augsburg Interim provoked another revolt by the Protestant princes in 1552, known as the Second Schmalkaldic War. This time the Protestant princes were led by Elector Maurice of Saxony and backed by (Catholic!) King Henry II of France, who hoped to disrupt German unification and thwart increasing Imperial power. Catholic Emperor Charles V had to flee from the superior Lutheran forces and to replace the Augsburg Interim with the Peace of Passau, whereby the former leaders of the Schmalkaldic League, John Frederick I of Saxony and Philip I of Hesse were released.

     Charles V, Catholic Holy Roman Emperor, then signed The Peace of Augsburg, a treaty with the Lutheran Schmalkaldic League, on 25 September 1555 in the German city of Augsburg.  This divided Germany approximately equally between Catholic and Lutheran princes, according to the frequently quoted principle, Ubi unus dominus, ibi una sit religio. [“Where there is one Lord, there will be one religion.”]  This gradually became the more famous axiom,  cuius regio eius religio [“whoever rules – his religion (prevails)”].  This represented an official recognition of the existence of both Catholicism and Lutheranism (but not Calvinism) in Germany. The official standard of Lutheran faith was the Augsburg Confession of 1530 or any of its later recensions.

     Although Lutheranism thus secured official recognition, this was a victory for territorialism, not toleration. Subjects were required to accept the religious confession of their ruler. If they could not bring themselves to do so, they supposedly had the right to emigrate after selling their property, although this was not always permitted in practice.  All property in the hands of Protestants at the time of the 1552 Peace of Passau was to be confirmed to them. This The Peace of Augsburg remained the basis of the ecclesiastical settlement in the Empire until the settlements of the Thirty Years War, the Edict of Restitution (1629) and the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648. 

     The Peace of Augsburg was concluded on the assumption that the religion of the German princes would remain the same. But on the one hand, there were new conversions to Lutheranism, and on the other, the Reformation stemming from Trent imparted to the Catholics both a revived optimism that Protestants would return to the Church and an increasing militancy. Its most enduring effect was that Germany would remain a divided nation of sovereign, independent states until the nineteenth century.

41. FRENCH HUGUENOT WARS

Valois Politiques. Queen Catherine de’ Medici, widow of Henry II, was the most influential person at court during the greater part of the reigns of her sons, Francis II (1559-60), Charles IX (1560-74) and Henry III (1574-89) . A thorough disciple of her fellow Florentine, Machiavelli, the queen used every means to promote the interests of the Valois royal family.

Guise ultra-Catholics. Militant Catholics condemned the Court policy as a betrayal of the Faith and advocated stern repression of the Huguenots  ^{[p. 263]}. They were led by the Guise, cadet branch of the House of Lorraine, originally a German dynasty. Though their founder, Claude, had become a naturalized Frenchman, some prejudice against the family’s alien origin survived, particularly when they sought the assistance of Philip II of Spain. Claude’s children had included Francis, duke of Guise, a renowned general; Charles, cardinal-archbishop of Rheims, Tridentine statesman; and Mary, widow of King James V of Scotland, and regent for their daughter, Mary, queen of Scots, and briefly of France as well. The third generation included other prominent nobles and prelates. The Guises, though they mixed politics with religion, never left any doubt of their pro-Catholic position.

Bourbon Huguenots. A third party had for its base of operations the tiny state of Navarre in the south of modern France. Ever since Margaret, sister of Francis I of France, had married Henry II of Navarre, this realm had served as a refuge for Huguenots. Their daughter Joan had married Antoine de Bourbon, first prince of the French blood royal. The Bourbons, descended from a son of St. Louis IX, were in virtue of the Salic Law de jure heirs of the French throne after Catherine de’ Medici’s feeble sons. Antoine and his brother, Louis of Conde, had become Huguenots, and as the Valois dynasty obviously approached extinction, Catholic legitimists were dismayed at the prospect that the rightful heir of France would be Antoine’s son, Henry III of Navarre (1553-1610), also a Huguenot. Even were the Salie Law violated, he could claim the throne as husband of Catherine’s daughter Margaret. Within France, the Huguenot party was headed by the Colignys: Gaspard (1519-72) was admiral of France; his brother Odet, an apostate cardinal, scandalized France by contracting marriage clad in his red robes; and another brother François and his son were prominent in the Huguenot interest. The admiral’s daughter Louise was married to William of Orange, leader of the Dutch Calvinists. If the Guise sought foreign aid for the Catholic side, the Colignys did no less for the Huguenots.

Guise (ultra-Catholic) ascendancy (1559-63) . The accession of Francis II (1559-60) and Mary Stuart-Guise put the Guise faction in control temporarily. Replacing Coligny as governor of Picardy, they allied themselves with Philip II, and supported Mary of Guise in Scotland against the Lords of Congregation. Guise power provoked the Huguenots to a conspiracy which, however, was crushed in the first of reciprocal massacres, the “Tumult of Amboise” in 1560. Guise power was weakened by the king’s death in December, 1560, and Catherine de’ Medici became regent. She dared engage in the Conference of Poissy with Theodore Beza of ^{[p. 264]} Geneva, and to issue an Edict of Toleration (1562) which accorded the Huguenots public cult outside walled towns. The duke of Guise thereupon seized the boy-king Charles IX (1560-74) and tried to rule in his name. This provoked the First Civil War (1562-63), favorable to the Guise until the duke was assassinated in February, 1563.

Valois (indifferent) equilibrium (1563-70) followed as the queen renewed her concessions to the Huguenots by the “Pacification of Amboise.” The queen and L’Hôpital now tried to steer a middle course, alarming either side by halfhearted negotiations with Philip of Spain and Elizabeth of England. Bourbons and Guises intrigued at court, and in the field engaged in the indecisive Second (1567-68) and Third Civil Wars (1568-70) . The “Pacification of St. Germain” in 1570 further extended Huguenot privileges.

Bourbon (Huguenot) progress (1570-72). Papal excommunication of Queen Elizabeth of England and early Spanish success in the Netherlands seemed to portend a general Catholic offensive. Catherine then tried to offset rising Guise sentiment by conciliating the Bourbons. She gave her daughter Margaret in wedlock to Henry of Navarre, and summoned Admiral Coligny to court. At the same time she tried to marry her youngest son, François d’Alençon, to Elizabeth of England, while Coligny procured aid for the Dutch rebels and the German Protestants.

La Barthelemy [BARTHOLOMEW DAY MASSACRE]. [Protestant/Huguenot] Coligny’s ambitious projects, the queen presently perceived, were likely to bring down upon distracted France the mightiest military power of the day. In Machiavellian fashion she decided to rid herself of her too-powerful subject, Coligny. A hired assassin, Maureval, failed on August 22, 1572. It seems probable that the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, two days later, had no other premeditation than the queen’s conviction that a bad job had better be completed before the alarmed Huguenots retaliated.

Early on the morning of the feast, royal troops and Guise retainers fell upon the Huguenots in Paris, and similar massacres took place in the provinces during the following days. Perhaps two thousand to five thousand victims perished

 The incident was reported to Gregory XIII as the “king’s escape from a Huguenot plot”; this accounts for the papal Te Deum. It is not true that the Holy See was implicated; St. Pius V earlier in the year had condemned certain “intrigues” against Coligny that had come to his knowledge, and Gregory XIII on learning the full story branded Maureval as an “assassin.”

Valois  (indifferent) rule by attrition (1572-85) ensued while the Fourth to the Seventh Civil Wars were fought. These resulted in little else than confusion and exhaustion. Both in domestic and foreign politics the queen and her last surviving son, Henry III (1574-89), veered more and more in the Protestant direction, and only the childless Henry III lay between [Protestant-Bourbon] Henry of Navarre and the French crown. ^{[p. 265]}

War of the Three Henries. To avert this, Henry of Guise in 1585 declared for the Cardinal de Bourbon, Catholic uncle of Henry of Navarre, as heir to the throne. He procured the backing of Philip II by a promise to have Navarre ceded to Spain. Henry of Navarre resolved to fight for his kingdoms, provoking the Eighth Civil War (1585-89). During this three-cornered contest, Henry of Guise fought Henry of Navarre, while Henry of France attacked both. When Guise neared victory, Henry of France had him killed, December, 1588. “Now at last I am king,” Henry III exclaimed, but whatever monarch France had died with Catherine de’ Medici in January, 1589. Henry of France now went over to Henry of Navarre, but was stabbed to death in July, 1589, by Jacques Clément, fanatical partisan of the Guise.

War of the League. [Protestant-Huguenot] Henry of Navarre was now legitimate king of France as Henry IV, but the Catholic League refused to accept him and closed the gates of Paris against him. In the Ninth Civil War (1589-95) the Guise were supported by Philip II, but after the death of their candidate, the Cardinal “Charles X” (1590), prospect of a Spanish king lost the League much French support. Even so, Henry IV’s triumph was far from assured in 1593 when he opened negotiations with the Estates General where moderate Catholics promised him recognition if he were to become a Catholic.

Crowned at Chartres in February, 1594, Henry IV entered Paris the next month as opposition melted away before his conversion. On September 18, 1595, Clement VIII, who at first deemed the archbishop’s act premature, himself absolved and recognized the king. Even the Guise then submitted, January, 1596, and Philip II finally withdrew from the indecisive contest in May, 1598.

The Edict of Nantes, April 15, 1598, was Henry’s solution for French religious divisions. This measure granted the Huguenots of France and Navarre political and religious autonomy within some hundred walled towns.

For nearly a century, until its revocation by Louis XIV in 1685, this charter guaranteed Protestant freedom of worship in France. But France was not going Huguenot: in 1560 it is reliably estimated that fifteen per cent of France was Protestant, three out of twenty millions. By 1597, however, the proportion had fallen to ten per cent, though three bishops had defected and seven were suspect. ^{[p. 266]}

Henry IV, king de Jure since 1589, was not free from rivals until 1598. Thereafter this first of the Bourbons on the French throne proved an able and popular ruler. Though but a mediocre general, he had bluff, soldierly qualities, showed ready affability to his subjects, and had keen intelligence and wit. Hence the populace regarded him as “Good King Henry,” although his intimates were well aware of his selfishness and avarice. In 1599 he secured an annulment of his marriage to the childless Margaret of Valois (1553-1615) when Pope Clement VIII accepted his plea of lack of initial consent. In 1600 the king married Marie de’ Medici (1573-1640) who bore him his heir, Louis [XIII] (1601-43) .

Economic retrenchment was carried on by Henry’s prime minister, the duc de Sully, a Huguenot financier who served him loyally from 1597 to the end of the reign. By economy, deflation, and careful collection of the taxes, Sully was able to effect an annual saving of a million livres by 1600. Sully, however, did not reform the haphazard system of administration and taxation thoroughly, but merely worked it as energetically as possible. His centralized bureaucracy enabled the monarchy to resume its long interrupted march toward Absolutism. A mercantilist policy cared for colonial interests; from this reign date French enterprises in Canada and India.

Religious situation. As a Huguenot, Sully was not disposed to interfere with the Edict of Nantes, and the Huguenot castles survived as a “state within a state.” The dissidents even extended their influence, occasionally provoking riots by insults to Catholic practices. Though a minority, they were as forward as the German Protestants prior to the Thirty Years’ War.

The French crown showed itself self-confidently Gallican,[i.e. attempting to be independent of the Holy See]  and parlement still resisted the introduction of the Tridentine reform decrees, although the effects of the Civil Wars on ecclesiastical discipline had made these all the more necessary.

Bodin’s political treatise, Six Livres de la Republique, repudiated papal as well as imperial supervision of international law, and defended the absolute independence of the French monarchy from all alien controls.

Pithou’s Libertés de L’Église Gallicane defended a royal power to reform abuses in the Church, and hinted at the use of the conciliar theory in emergencies. At the close of the reign, as has been noted, Henry IV was meditating intervention on behalf of the German Protestants, when he belatedly met the fate of the other Henries: he was assassinated by François Ravaillac on May 14, 1610.

Queen Marie de’ Medici, as regent for the young King Louis XIII (1610-43), lacked either the vices or the ability of her cousin Catherine. Incompetent favorites mismanaged the government, the Huguenots became more aggressive, and the feudality reasserted itself. But the very weakness of the regime emboldened the French hierarchy to introduce the Tridentine decrees on their own authority in 1615. Simultaneously Berulle’s Oratory began to exercise its reforming inspiration.

Cardinal Richelieu, member of the regency council since 1622, encouraged the young king to assume personal rule. Louis XIII did so in 1624 and made the cardinal his prime minister (1624-42) . Consecrated bishop of Luçon in 1607, Richelieu had been an exemplary prelate so far as externals went. But he was almost a split personality, and it was not as bishop that he has made a name in history.

Through his own efforts and those of his disciple and successor, Cardinal Mazarin, these objectives were in large part realized by 1660.

Domestic victory. Richelieu set out to reduce the feudality to subjection. Huguenots, confident in the favor of the king’s brother, Gaston of Orléans, did not wait but rose in revolt (1625) and solicited assistance from England. The cardinal did not fail to pursue them relentlessly and besieged their stronghold of La Rochelle for fifteen months while the duke of Buckingham vainly tried to bring relief. The fall of the citadel in May, 1628, broke the force of the rebellion.

Feudalism was further repressed by greater centralization and replacement of the noble governors in the provinces, with bourgeois intendants for fiscal supervision. Except for one final ineffective uprising, the Fronde of 1648-53 against Mazarin, the French nobility were brought into complete subjection to the crown.

Foreign triumph over the Austrian and Spanish Habsburgs, as already noted, exalted the French Bourbon monarchy to European primacy. This, too, was the result of Richelieu’s diplomacy, as continued by Mazarin. Together they succeed in placing “His Most Christian Majesty” of France, Louis XIV (1643-1715), on the pinnacle of worldly power, whence he might plunge Europe into wasting conflicts and insult the Holy See in a fashion but little different from that of Philip the Fair.

THE Thirty Years' War, fought primarily in Central Europe between 1618 and 1648, was one of the most destructive conflicts in European history. An estimated 4.5 to 8 million soldiers and civilians died from battle, famine, or disease, while parts of Germany reported population declines of over 50%.  Although often described as a war of religion, religious discussions, debates and attempts at theological reconciliation were largely over.  The battles were fought over territory and in attempts to increase the political power of victors.

Foremost among its manifold causes were[:]

[1] the decay of the Holy Roman Empire and

[2] the continued religious unrest after the Peace of Augsburg in 1555.

The Peace of Augsburg (1555) had divided Germany about equally between Catholic and Lutheran princes, according to the axiom, cuius regio eius religio [“whoever rules – his religion (prevails)”].  The pact was concluded on the assumption that the religion of the German princes would remain the same. But [:]

THE war began with the revolt of the Bohemians against the Emperor, and the ‘Defenestration of Prague’. The first part of the war (1618–23) was carried on chiefly in Bohemia and the Palatinate.  The Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II claimed the right to the throne of Bohemia. The Bohemians, who had set up Frederick V of the Palatinate, the so-called ‘Winter King’, in opposition to Emp. Ferdinand II, were defeated in the Battle at the White Hill (1620) by the armies of the Catholic League under the Imperial general, Tilly, and Maximilian of Bavaria.

Frederick was put to the ban of the Empire, Maximilian conquered the Upper Palatinate, and this stage of the war ended with the capture of the Calvinistic stronghold of Heidelberg by Tilly (1622) and the restoration of Catholicism in the conquered territories.

WAR broke out anew in 1623. Shifting to Lower Saxony, it was conducted with Dutch and English support, with [Protestant general] Wallenstein as the chief leader of the Catholic forces of Emperor Ferdinand III. After his victory, in 1626, over Ernest of Mansfeld, and Christian IV of Denmark’s defeat at the hands of Tilly (1626), the Peace of Lübeck was concluded in 1629.

     In the same year Emperor Ferdinand III issued the Edict of Restitution which ordered the restoration of all ecclesiastical property unlawfully appropriated by the Protestants since 1552. Its strict execution roused much opposition among the Protestants, while many Catholics were alienated from the Emperor by the extravagances of Wallenstein’s army. In 1630 Wallenstein himself was dismissed.

THE third stage of the war, which now became a European conflict, began with the landing of [PROTESTANT!] Gustavus Adolphus in Pomerania in 1630. Encouraged by [CATHOLIC!] Cardinal A. J. du P. Richelieu, whose anti-Habsburg policy led him to support all opponents of the Imperial power at Vienna, the Swedish invasion was a mainly political adventure, though it incidentally saved German Protestantism. In 1631 Tilly conquered Magdeburg, but he was defeated in the same year at Breitenfeld and killed in 1632. Wallenstein, who had been recalled by the Emperor, was defeated in the battle at Lützen, but Gustavus Adolphus himself was killed (1632).

    The next two years were taken up with negotiations, while the Protestant leader, Bernard of Weimar, took Ratisbon and laid waste Bavaria without opposition from Wallenstein, who was murdered in 1634. In the same year Imperial and Bavarian troops gained a decisive victory at Nördlingen, which led to the treaty of Prague (1635) between the Emperor and the majority of the Protestant estates.

The [Lutheran] Swedes, however, continuing to resist, were now openly joined by [Catholic] France and the war entered on its final and most violent stage (1635–48). After years of fighting with varying success in East and West Germany, the French position became increasingly advantageous, esp. owing to the weakening of Spain by internal discord. The demand for peace in Germany grew increasingly insistent and in 1644 negotiations were opened with the French at Münster and with Sweden at Osnabrück, and the Peace of Westphalia was at last concluded in 1648.

As a result the ecclesiastical state of the Empire as it was in 1624 was restored, except for the secularization—a term then used for the first time—of a considerable part of ecclesiastical property, which was distributed among the several powers as compensation for their participation in the war. The decrees of the Religious Peace of Augsburg were reinforced and extended to the Calvinists, and Catholics and Protestants given equal political rights  [IN THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE: i.e. GERMANY/AUSTRIA, NOT France or Spain].

Among the chief effects of the Thirty Years War was an enormous strengthening of the power of France. The corresponding weakening of Germany and Spain hastened the final breaking-up of the Empire and decided the future of Europe in succeeding centuries. The religious, moral, and economic anarchy which it produced in Central Europe had the same far-reaching consequences, and accounts for much in the subsequent religious and social developments on the Continent.

Important docs. pr. in the collections of Briefe und Acten zur Geschichte des Dreissigjäahrigen Krieges … herausgegeben durch die histor. Commission bei der Königl. (later Bayerischen) Academie der Wissenschaften (II vols., Munich, 1870–1909; NF, 1966 ff.), and Documenta Bohemica Bellum Tricennale Illustrantia, ed. J. [V.] Polišenský and others (7 vols., Prague, 1971–81; Eng. tr. of vol. 1 as War and Society in Europe, 1618–1648, Cambridge, 1978). Classic studies incl. A. Gindely, Geschichte des Dreissigjährigen Krieges (4 vols., 1869–80); also a shorter study by the same author with the same title (Das Wissen der Gegenwart, 1, 3, 5; 1882; Eng. tr., 2 vols., New York, 1884; London, 1885); S. R. Gardiner, The Thirty Years War (1874); A. W. Ward in Cambridge Modern History 4 (1906), pp. 1–255 and 364–433, with bibl. to date, pp. 801–72; M. Ritter, Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation und des Dreissigjährigen Krieges (1555–1648), 3 (1908); C. V. Wedgwood, The Thirty Years War (1938); G. Pagès, La Guerre de Trente Ans (1939; Eng. tr., 1970). Modern works incl. J. V. Polišenský, The Thirty Years War (Eng. tr., 1971, of orig. Czech pub. at Prague in 1970); H. Langer, Hortus Bellicus (Leipzig, 1978; Eng. tr., The Thirty Years’ War, Poole, Dorset, 1980 [mainly cultural]); G. Parker [and others], The Thirty Years’ War (1984), with excellent bibl.; K. Repgen (ed.), Krieg und Politik 1618–1648: Europäische Probleme und Perspektiven (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kolloquien 8; Munich, 1988); T. Kaufmann, Dreissigjähriger Krieg und Westfälischer Friede: Kirchengeschichtliche Studien zur lutherischen Konfessionskultur (Beiträge zur historischen Theologie, 104; 1998). R. Bireley, SJ, The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War: Kings, Courts and Confessors (Cambridge, 2003)

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ON SPIRITUALITY AS UNDERLYING PERIOD OF IMPLEMENTATION OF TRENT:

Implementation of Trent

Religious War

?Jansenism?

1460-1630

Luis XIII 1601-1643  Westphalia 1648;   Ferdinand III???  WHO IS E??

1560-1730