3.1 Introduction and Definitions; 

4.1 Patterns of offending;  4.2 Onset of abusive behavior;   4.3 Persistence of abusive behavior;   4.4 Desistance from abusive behavior

 Criminologists describe patterns of criminal or deviant behavior by defining the initial deviant act, or “onset” of the behavior, then measuring the duration, or “persistence” of the behavior, and finally recording its cessation, the point at which an individual no longer engages in the action, or “desistance.” The analysis of patterns of offending has brought some general understanding: many youths engage in deviant acts, but only a small number progress to commit serious crimes; those who commit serious crimes in early adolescence are more likely to persist in criminal behavior; repeat criminals and drug addicts become much more likely to be able to refrain from these behaviors when they reach their late 40s and 50s. The analysis that follows presents the overall distributions of onset, persistence, and desistence of sexually abusive behavior from the Nature and Scope study, then examines patterns in the data for those priests who have been the subject of multiple allegations of sexual abuse of children.

 Men begin to sexually abuse minors for various reasons, and researchers have struggled to develop typologies to explain the onset of abusive feelings, thoughts and behaviors. Most commonly, researchers classify offenders into typologies based upon their level of sexual attraction to children (whether an individual is primarily attracted to children or adults).

Some individuals who sexually abuse children are primarily attracted to age-mates. Despite this preference, they regress to adult-child relationships because of a hindrance to normal adult relationships or because of negative events that “trigger” the abusive feelings and thoughts. These “regressed” or “situational” offenders are rarely attracted to children or adolescents of a particular age or gender, but instead resort to victimizing children to whom they have easy access. According to Leonore Simon and her colleagues,¹⁹ the abusive behavior of situational offenders is a temporary departure from their attraction to adults.

 The regressed offenders’ behavior usually emerges in adulthood. It is precipitated by external stress that can be situational (e.g., unemployment, marital problems, substance abuse) or related to negative affective states (e.g., loneliness, isolation). These stresses often contribute to poor self-confidence, low self-esteem, and a self-pitying attitude that allow the individual to rationalize the abusive behavior.

The abusive acts of the regressed offender can best be explained through the “offense cycle” or “offense chain.”

Yet, the abuser rarely addresses the original negative thoughts and feelings that led to the abusive behavior. As a result the offense cycle often begins again if the individual has not been caught, or helped to address the underlying issue. Thus, the abusive behavior of repeat offenders is cyclical.

Alternatively, some men who sexually abuse children exhibit persistent, continual, and compulsive attraction to children, and the abuse of children is not chiefly the result of external stressors or triggers.

These “preferential” or “fixated” child molesters

tend to be exclusively involved with children,

and this attraction usually develops in adolescence.

They are often unable to attain any degree of psychosexual maturity, do not find age-mates attractive or desirable during adulthood, and have virtually no age-appropriate sexual relationships.

Many fixated offenders have poor social skills; they find comfort in relationships with children that they consider to be passive, dependent, psychologically less threatening than adults.

They recruit, groom, and develop relationships with children who are vulnerable in some way. This extensive grooming process often creates a close personal relationship between the offender and victim that lasts for a long period of time and results in a significant delay in the reporting of the abusive acts.

Individuals who experience recurrent, intense and sexually arousing fantasies about prepubescent children are classified as pedophiles.²⁰ Those who experience recurrent, intense, sexually arousing fantasies about adolescents can be classified as ephebophiles.²¹ Gene Abel and his colleagues, distinguished researchers who have studied deviant sexual behavior and treatment of sexual abusers for decades, have noted that deviant sexual behavior and paraphilias often develop prior to adulthood. One group of researchers examined the characteristics of 168 pedophiles, ephebophiles and incest offenders.²² Among their findings[:]

pedophiles

[1] were the most likely group to have experienced sexual victimization when they were children,

[2] were the most likely to prefer and have pre-pubertal sex partners,

[3] and were the most motivated to seduce their victims,

while ephebophiles

were the most likely to have experienced external stress and began abusing as a result of this stress.

The data collected in the Nature and Scope study does not reveal whether the abusive behavior is a result of deep-seated paraphilic feelings that could no longer be controlled or whether it begins as a result of situational stressors. In the table that follows, the first date of the earliest reported incident of sexual abuse is used to calculate the age of the priest at the onset of his individual history of sexual abuse of children, and to display the count of ages as five-year increments

Table 4.1

Age of Priest at Onset of Reported Sexual Abuse Behavior

 Diocesan respondents were asked to report, for each victim who made an allegation of sexual abuse by a priest, the year the abuse started and the year the abuse ended. Of the 10,667 victim surveys summarized in the Nature and Scope study, 8,835 included such information, or had other data that could be used to derive duration. In order to examine the persistence, or duration, of sexual abuse behavior on the part of priests, the first year of the first incident involving an individual priest and the last year of the final incident reported to involve that particular priests was used to calculate a period of years. Although the sexual abuse activity is not constant over the total number of years (at least for most individuals), the behavior is understood to have persisted, that is, reoccurred within the period of years. In other words, if a priest abused one child from 1971 until 1973, and another from 1978-1979, then we report the duration of abusive behavior to be eight years. The recurrence of abusive behavior is understood to mean that whatever brought about this behavior has not been resolved. Thus the term persistence: the problem persists.

 • The average duration of abuse for all priests is 4.99 years (Median = 2.00, SD = 6.98).

 • 31.1% of priests had histories of abuse that were less than 1 year.

 • The range of the persistence of abuse behavior for an individual priest is less than 1 year to 41 years.

 • The groupings of priests are statistically distinguishable on the basis of their duration of criminal offending.

 • As would be expected, the duration of offending behavior increases with the total number of victims reported for an individual priest.

 In the Nature and Scope study, the priests were grouped according the total number of victims they were reported to have abused. This model is used below to compare the duration of offending behavior by priests.

 Table 4.2

 Persistence of Sexual Abuse Behavior for Priests Grouped by Number of Victims

 This table summarizes data for the 69% of priests reported in the Nature and Scope study who abused children for one year or more.

 Number of Victims Average Persistence of Abuse Behavior Range of Persistence of Abuse Behavior 1 1.58 years 1 year – 21 years 2-3 7.20 years 1 year – 40 years 4-9 11.90 years 1 year – 41 years 10-19 18.10 years 5 years – 41 years 20+ 22.03 years 1 year – 35 years Overall 4.99 years 1 year – 41 years

 Two different methods of counting victims were available: categorization by behavior (total number of victims as reported in the Cleric Survey) and categorization by data (count of actual Victim Surveys with complete data on the time period of the abuse incident). The total number of priests who can be grouped according to data reported in the Cleric Survey is 4,320. The total number of priests who can be grouped according to complete data provided in the Victim Surveys is 3,445. The difference in total number arises from difference in the available information. For example, if an individual priest is reported as having 20 victims in the Cleric Survey, he would be categorized according to that figure under the first categorization scheme – defined as behavior-based. However, if the diocese sent in only 15 victim surveys for this individual priest, 12 of which had complete duration information, he would be classified into a different group under the second categorization scheme – defined as data-based. Results of the tests for statistical significance of the two models of inter-group differences in the average length of sexual abuse history by behavior converged;23 the results were consistent. As is shown in the detailed table that follows, there are differences in the distribution according to the two methods of categorization. The average duration of abuse increases when clerics are categorized according to data, because the total number of victims who had made reports to the diocese about an individual priest was often higher than the number of Victim Surveys received.24

 In order to gain a better understanding of the data, descriptive statistics were run on the two grouping variables. Each group was isolated and measures of central tendency were run on the duration variable. The results are displayed in Table 4.3. The distributions are parallel despite the fact that clerics were sorted into groups by different methods of categorization. There are significant differences among the five categories of priest-offenders indicating that the greater the number of victims, the longer the duration of offending. Statistics presented throughout this chapter are based on the grouping by behavior.

 There are 1,161 priests included in the Nature and Scope study for whom the persistence of sexual abuse behavior was reported to last less than one year. This accounts for 31% of the overall population of abusive priests. A large majority of these priests – 81% — had a single allegation of abuse, and are described in detail in Chapter Three of this report. Of the others with a short duration of offending, 16% had two or three victims and 3% had between four to nine victims.

 CLERIC PATTERNS OF OFFENDING: REVISED DURATION OF ABUSE CATEGORIZED BY BEHAVIOR CATEGORIZED BY DATA CATEGORIZED BY BEHAVIOR AND POTENTIAL CATEGORIZED BY DATA AND POTENTIAL 1 Victim n = 1,008 Mean = 3.1081 Median = 2.0 SD = 2.83478 Min = .5 Max = 40.00 25th % = 1.000 50th % = 2.000 75th % = 4.000 n = 1,183 Mean = 3.0592 Median = 2.0 SD = 2.58450 Min = .5 Max = 21.00 25th % = 1.000 50th % = 2.000 75th % =4.000 n = 925 Mean = 3.0005 Median = 2.0 SD = 2.48671 Min = .5 Max = 21.00 25th % = 1.000 50th % = 2.000 75th % =4.000 n = 1,029 Mean = 3.0024 Median = 2.0 SD = 2.58450 Min = .5 Max = 21.00 25th % = 1.000 50th % = 2.000 75th % =4.000 2 – 3 Victims n = 872 Mean = 7.1967 Median = 5.0 SD = 6.47467 Min = .5 Max = 40.00 25th % = 2.000 50th % = 5.000 75th % =10.000 n = 847 Mean = 7.9150 Median = 6.0 SD = 6.86280 Min = 1.00 Max = 41.00 25th % = 3.000 50th % = 6.000 75th % =11.000 n = 793 Mean = 6.8298 Median = 5.0 SD = 6.56759 Min = .5 Max = 40.00 25th % = 2.000 50th % = 5.000 75th % =9.000 n = 785 Mean = 7.0350 Median = 5.0 SD = 6.45523 Min = 1.0 Max = 40.00 25th % = 3.000 50th % = 5.000 75th % =10.000 4 – 9 Victims n = 546 Mean = 11.8974 Median = 10.0 SD = 7.96803 Min = 1.0 Max = 41.00 25th % = 5.000 50th % = 10.000 75th % =17.000 n = 422 Mean = 13.2500 Median = 12.00 SD = 7.80901 Min = 1.0 Max = 40.00 25th % = 7.000 50th % = 12.000 75th % =19.000 n = 628 Mean = 10.6290 Median = 9.0 SD = 7.55269 Min = 1.0 Max = 41.00 25th % = 5.000 50th % = 9.000 75th % =16.000 n = 551 Mean = 11.3221 Median = 10.00 SD = 7.77175 Min = 1.0 Max = 41.00 25th % = 5.000 50th % = 10.000 75th % =17.000 10 – 19 Victims n = 106 Mean = 18.0943 Median = 16.50 SD = 8.02203 Min = 5.0 Max = 41.00 25th % = 12.000 50th % = 16.500 75th % =25.000 n = 75 Mean = 18.40 Median = 17.00 SD = 7.27454 Min = 6.0 Max = 41.00 25th % = 13.000 50th % = 17.000 75th % =25.000 n = 159 Mean = 15.4843 Median = 14.0 SD = 9.18368 Min = 1.0 Max = 41.00 25th % = 8.000 50th % = 14.000 75th % =23.000 n = 127 Mean = 15.2913 Median = 14.0 SD = 9.04408 Min = 1.0 Max = 41.00 25th % = 8.000 50th % = 14.000 75th % =23.000 20 + Victims n = 36 Mean = 22.0278 Median = 23.00 SD = 8.00887 Min = 1.0 Max = 35.00 25th % = 16.000 50th % = 23.000 75th % =28.000 n = 28 Mean = 23.4286 Median = 26.00 SD = 7.77664 Min = 1.0 Max = 34.00 25th % = 19.500 50th % = 26.000 75th % =28.750 n = 72 Mean = 18.5139 Median = 17.0 SD = 9.07247 Min = 1.0 Max = 39.00 25th % = 12.250 50th % = 17.000 75th % =26.750 n = 63 Mean = 18.3810 Median = 17.0 SD = 9.40218 Min = 1.0 Max = 39.00 25th % = 12.000 50th % = 17.000 75th % =27.000 Total 2,568 2,555 2,577 2,555

 Figures 4.1 and 4.2 show the distribution of events over time, with Figure 4.1 showing incidents of short duration (less than one year) and Figure 4.2 showing incidents of long duration (more than one year). The incidence, or yearly occurrence, of abusive acts that were of short duration is significantly different from the overall incidence of sexual abuse events in the study. Note that the distribution of short duration events is relatively stable over the 50-year period of the study and does not show the dramatic increase in the 1970s and 1980s, as does the distribution of longer-duration events.

 Figure 4.1

 Incidence of Events of Short Duration (less than one year)

 1950 1956 1962 1968 1974 1980 1986 1992 1998

 1953 1959 1965 1971 1977 1983 1989 1995 2001

 Figure 4.2

 Incidence of Events with Duration of More Than One Year

 1950 1956 1962 1968 1974 1980 1986 1992 1998

 1953 1959 1965 1971 1977 1983 1989 1995 2001

 Criminologists who study the problem of child sexual abuse have found that an important feature of this type of deviant act is the use of what is called “grooming behavior.” Grooming behavior is a premeditated set of actions intended to manipulate a potential victim into complying with the sexual abuse. According to researcher Douglas Pryor,25 there are several ways in which child molesters groom their victims, including: verbal coercion, physical coercion, seduction, games, and enticements. Child molesters are able to manipulate their victims into sexual compliance. Throughout the length of the abusive relationship, offenders either continue the manipulation or, if necessary, adjust it in order to continue with the abuse. The most common grooming tactic is emotional and verbal coercion, often through the use of bribes, the lack of disciplinary action in exchange for sexual favors, or emotional blackmail. The victims may be given enticements in order to comply with the abuse, such as money and gifts

 The Nature and Scope study reported on three categories of grooming behavior: socializing with the family of a victim, the use of gifts and enticements and the use of threats. A general overview is shown in Table 4.4 below.

 Table 4.4

 Overview of Grooming Behavior

 A ll Clerics (n = 4,392) Duration < 1 y r (n = 1,161) Duration > 25 y rs (n = 109) Socializin g w ith fam ily 1,452 33.1% 284 24.5% 73 67.0% En ticem en ts 1,137 25.9% 201 17.3% 71 65.1% Th reats 522 11.9% 69 5.9% 40 36.7%

 In the tables that follow, a more-detailed view of this behavior can be seen. As has been recognized by many researchers who study the behavior of sex offenders, family socializing and the use of enticements are more widespread than the use of threats. When threats were used, they were more likely to be of a psychological nature (fear, spiritual manipulation) than a physical nature. Those priests with long histories of sexual abuse of children clearly had more incidents and therefore opportunities for deliberate acts of grooming in preparation for abuse. It is also true that the diocesan records of these men with long histories of abuse are likely to have been more detailed, and thus more likely to include information about specific grooming behavior.

 .

 Location of Social Interactions With Victim's Family All Clerics (n = 1,452) Duration < 1 yr (n = 284) Duration > 25 yrs (n = 73) Family Residence 1152 79.3% 210 73.9% 63 86.3% Church 423 29.1% 78 27.5% 32 43.8% Cleric Residence 384 26.5% 76 26.8% 30 41.1% Church Activities 316 21.8% 57 20.1% 18 24.7% Vacations/ Social Events 289 20.0% 40 14.1% 17 23.3% Other 114 7.9% 23 8.1% 7 9.6%

 Table 4.6

 Use of Enticements

 En ti ce m e n ts O f f e re d to C h i l d re n (b y < 1 /3 o f cl e ri c s ) A l l C l e rics (n = 1,137) Du rati o n < 1 yr (n = 201) Du rati o n > 2 5 y rs (n = 7 1 ) Al c o h o l / Dru g s 385 33.9% 56 27.9% 23 32.4% Mo n e y 321 28.2% 56 27.9% 32 45.1% O v ern i g h t w /C l eri c 317 27.9% 27 13.4% 19 26.8% T a ke n to Sp orts /R e c . 237 20.8% 23 11.4% 17 23.9% Oth e r 194 17.1% 13 6.5% 15 21.1% A l l o we d to Dri v e 113 9.9% 6 3.0% 12 16.9% A cce s s to P o rn 80 7.0% 7 3.5% 5 7.0% Al l o w e d to S ta y Up La te 60 5.3% 4 2.0% 3 4.2% S p e cial C h u rch Ac ti v i ti e s 56 4.9% 3 1.5% 3 4.2% Tra v e l 47 4.1% 2 1.0% 4 5.6% Food 24 2.1% 2 1.0% 4 5.6% Sp orts R e l ate d 19 1.7% 2 1.0% 1 1.4% T oys /O th e r G i f ts 7 0.6% 0 0 0 0

 Th re ats (U se d b y 12% of A b u s i v e Cl e rics) A l l Cl e ri cs (n = 522) Du rati o n < 1 y r (n = 69) Du rati o n > 25 y rs (n = 40) Ve rb al H arm to Vi cti m 177 33.9% 22 31.9% 13 32.5% Spi ri tu al M ani pul ati o n 138 26.4% 12 17.4% 11 27.5% Oth e r 114 21.8% 37 53.6% 8 20.0% A l l of th e A b ove 90 17.2% 34 49.3% 5 12.5% Th re aten ed Exp o s u re 66 12.6% 7 10.1% 9 22.5% Ph y s i cal Th re at w /o Weap on 65 12.5% 8 11.6% 8 20.0% Ve rb al H arm to Cl e ri c 35 6.7% 6 8.7% 1 2.5% Ph y s i cal Th re at w/W e ap o n 31 5.9% 6 8.7% 3 7.5% Th re aten ed Fam i l y 28 5.4% 4 5.8% 1 2.5%

Pathology of Child Sexual Abuse

 Psychological professionals in the early 20th century perceived sexual offending as a disease that was a deep-rooted aspect of the person. Early psychological interventions focused on the use of psychoanalysis to treat sexual offending. Psychoanalysis posited that in order for change to occur, intense, lengthy analysis would be necessary in order to address the conflict thought to be the wellspring of the deviant behavior. By the mid 20th century, lawmakers and professionals continued to medicalize the problem of deviant sexual behavior, developing organic treatments to treat the offenders and crafting “sexual psychopath” laws to divert them from the criminal justice system into mental hospitals. This characterization follows the “progressive era” tendency to see criminal behavior as socially disordered or as an expression of deprivation and not as the active choice of an individual.

 As criminal justice professionals began to record the numbers of convicted criminals who committed a new crime after punishment, re-training and treatment, the explanations for criminal behavior turned to focus on individual responsibility. By the 1970s, researchers and treatment providers led by William Marshall and Gene Abel developed multi-modal cognitive-behavioral treatment programs. Cognitive behavioral therapy focused upon addressing the many cognitive distortions sexual offenders displayed as well as additional problems that could be addressed through the use of social skills training and victim empathy training. One of the most important components, Relapse Prevention, was added to cognitive behavioral treatment To explore the possibility that identifiable subgroups with distinctive pathologies were present in the overall distribution of priests in the Nature and Scope study, four clusters of cases were defined.

The four sub-groups were compared for differences in the following individual characteristics, or variables:

 1. onset of abusive behavior;

 2. duration, or persistence, of abusive behavior,

 3. number of victims or accusers;

 4. percent of victims reporting overt sexual acts;

 5. extent of socializing with victim's family;

 6. use of enticements or threats;

 7. history of having been abused; and

 8. history of substance abuse.

The age at ordination for the total population and for all subgroups is stable at 27 or 28 – an unsurprising finding given that the overall age for ordination of priests is stable. The age at onset of abusive behavior for all clerics is 39, though it is markedly lower for those with large numbers of victims. This means that priests with allegations of abuse waited, on average, 11 years to commit their first known abusive act. Those priests who we classified as pedophiles were 43, on average, at the time of the first reported abuse event (thus, waiting 16 years on average to commit the first know abusive act). The statistics for all priests with more than one reported incident of abuse are not significantly different from the overall average.

Table 4.8 Onset of Offending Behavior, Years in Ministry

 Table 4.9

 Persistence of Sub-Group Offending

 10+ / 20+ Pe doph il e s Ep h e bo ph i l e s Un u s u al Acts Cl e rics > 1 vi cti m All Cl e rics Av e rag e Du rati o n in Ye ars 18.10 5.15 6.80 7.03 7.4 4.99 22.03 Av e rag e No . o f 19.7 3.17 3.05 4.93 3.9 2.65 Re p o rte d Vi ctim s 38.85 Av g . N o . Re p o rte d & 24.6 7.0 8.65 5.58 5.1 3.21 Po te n tial 42.70 Vi ctim s Nu m b e r i n Gro u p 152 96 474 143 2512 4392 39

 To create an index of the severity of the acts alleged, a variable was created for the presence or absence of overt sexual activity, defined as acts of oral sex or acts involving penetration. The chart that follows shows the presence of at least one allegation of explicit sexual activity by a cleric, and compares the occurrence of this behavior and of police contact for the four sub-groups.

 Table 4.10

 Explicit Sex Acts and Police Contact

 10+ / 20+ P e do phi l e s Ephe bo phi l e s Un u s u al Acts Cle ri cs > 1 vi c ti m Al l Cle ri cs Ov e rt S e x Acts 94.7% 57.3% 59.7 % 57.3% 45% 30% 97.4% P o lice 60.5% 28.1% 32.3 % 31% 30% 24.9% Co n tact 51.3% Nu m b e r 152 96 474 143 2512 4392 i n G ro up 39

 Table 4.11

 Socializing, Enticements and Threats

 10+ / 20+ P e d o p h ile s Ephe bo phi l e s U nus ual Acts Cle ri cs > 1 vi cti m Al l Cle ri cs Cle ri c So ci a l w / Fa m i l y 70% 43 .8 % 36.7% 28% 40% 34.2% 80% Us e o f 79% 41 .7 % 34.8% 37.8% 34% 21.3% En ti c e m e n ts 93% Us e o f Th re a ts 50% 20 .8 % 12.2% 29.4% 15.8% 12.3% 61% Us e o f Gi f ts 30% 11 .5 % 19% 16.1% 16% 12.1% 31% Nu m b e r i n 152 96 474 143 2512 4392 Gro u p 39

 10+ / 20+ Pedophiles Ephebophiles Unusual Acts Clerics > 1 victim All Clerics Cleric has History of Sexual Abuse 19.1% 4.5% 9.5% 8.4% 8.8% 6.8% 27.8% Cleric has History of Substance Abuse 30% 14.4% 27.3% 23% 18.5% 18.6% 20% Number in 152 96 474 143 2512 4392 Group 39

 To summarize, these tables show that priests who abused ten or twenty or more victims differ significantly from all other clerics in regard to age of onset of behavior, duration of abusive behavior, use of enticements and threats, use of overt acts and abuse history. Other differences are slight, and the only differences in pathology of note are that pedophiles and ephebophiles have a higher likelihood of using enticements, ephebophiles have a higher rate of substance abuse history, and all subgroups are more likely to use overt sexual acts. It is important to note that the pedophile and ephebophile subgroups do not have an earlier age of onset than the overall group of clerics. This is a significant finding, because if the deviant sexual behavior was result of a diagnosable pathology, then they would have likely shown a significant difference than other clerics in age of onset of the deviant behavior.

 Priests with more serious problems, i.e., more victims and/or longer duration of abusive behavior, were more likely to be given treatment as sex offenders. It was anticipated that those treated would also be more likely to have been reported to the police and investigated. The overall percentage of priests reported to the police was 24% and of those treated, 27%, but there is not a significant association between police contact and sex offender treatment. The absence of full chronological information makes it difficult to know when reports of abuse, police contact and treatment occurred in the life of an individual.

 Data shows that 1,627 priests received some form of treatment or evaluation (37%) and 1,444 received more than one form of treatment. If those clerics who were deceased or not active at the time of the report are excluded, the treatment percentage rises to 49.63%. Treatment ranged from structured treatment programs (Relapse Prevention, Specialized Sex Offender Treatment) to less specific forms of treatment (Spiritual Counseling, General Treatment Program).

 Facility Count of Clerics TXed Completed Program New Allegation Reinstated SLI - Suitland, MD 465 334 71.8% 48 10.3% 114 24.5% Other 323 186 57.6% 55 17.0% 75 23.2% SP - Jemez Springs, NM 196 145 73.9% 45 22.9% 67 34.2% VSJV -Downingtow n, PA 138 101 73.2% 7 5.1% 25 18.1% SP - St. Louis, MO 115 88 76.5% 15 13.0% 24 20.9% S - Ontario, CAN 107 75 70.1% 9 8.4% 29 27.1% IL - Hartford, CT 99 58 58.6% 11 11.1% 21 21.2% SLCS - St. Louis, MO 61 44 72.1% 4 6.6% 12 19.7% IRC - Chicago, IL 50 26 52.0% 3 6.0% 8 16.0%

 We cannot conclude from the data available here that the forms of sex offender treatment were effective or were ineffective. The understanding of desistence from offending or criminal behavior is only now receiving significant attention from criminologists. Although some progress has been made in the analysis of the interaction of individual and situational (or opportunity) factors in the decision of a person to stop wrongful behavior, there are no generally accepted conclusions at this time. A very significant part of what will be learned from the second study of the sex abuse crisis is how and why priests were able to desist from sexual abuse behavior.

¹⁹ Simon, L.M.J., Sales, B., Kaskniak, A., & Kahn, M. (1992). Characteristics of child molesters: Implications for the fixated-regressed dichotomy. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 7: 211-225.

²⁰ Pedophilia is a diagnosable paraphilia and is defined as “recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges or behaviors involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children (generally age 13 years or younger)” (APA, 2000, p. 256). Additionally, the individual must have experienced these fantasies, urges or behaviors for at least six months in duration, and there must be an age difference of at least five years between the victim and the offender, with the offender being at least sixteen-years of age. While the paraphiliac does not need to have acted on his urges in order to be diagnosed a pedophile, the condition is characterized by “marked distress or interpersonal difficulty” (APA, 2000, p. 257).

²¹ Note: ephebophilia is not recognized by the American Psychiatric Association as a diagnosable paraphilia. However, many researchers have studied ephebophilia as a distinct category of paraphilia.

²² Danni, K.A. & Hampe, G.D. (2002). An analysis of predictors of child sex offender types using presentence investigation reports. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology. 44: 490504.

²³ Using one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), the averages lengths of offending for each group of priest-offenders was significantly different from all other when grouped by behavior (F = 339.26, p < .001) or by data (F = 430.78, p < .001). The Bonferroni post hoc analysis illustrates that each group in each categorization scheme is significantly different from all others in that categorization (p <= .006).

²⁴ Dioceses and religious institutes did not always have sufficient information in their files to complete a survey for every victim who had reported an incident of abuse.

²⁵ Pryor, D. (1996). Unspeakable Acts: Why Men Sexually Abuse Children. New York; New York University Press. Page 123-154.

²⁶ The offenders classified here as pedophiles and ephebophiles have not necessarily been clinically diagnosed as such. We have classified them here as such based upon their exhibited behavior.

²⁷ Behaviors connoted by intense, sexually arousing fantasies about non-living objects, violence, children, or non-consenting persons.

xcxxcxxc  F ” “ This Webpage was created for a workshop held at Saint Andrew's Abbey, Valyermo, California in 2005....x....  ’ “”.